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The Nine 

\ A j, 

I C559n 

1 r 9 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2011 with funding from 

LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation 


Translated by Arthur Waley 
















The Nine 





First published in 1955 
Second Impression 1956 

This book is copyright under the Berne Convention. 
Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of 
private study, research, criticism or review as per- 
mitted under the Copyright Act 1911, no portion 
may be reproduced by any process without written 
permission. Enquiry should be made to the publisher 

Printed in Great Britain 

in 1 1 point Imprint type 

by Unwin Brothers Limited 

Woking and London 


I have published this essay separately because it will, I think, 
be of interest chiefly to students of shamanism and similar 
aspects of religion. If printed in a sinological journal or in a 
volume of miscellaneous studies it would be likely to escape the 
notice of most of the readers for whom it is intended. But the 
Nine Songs are also well worth reading simply as poetry, and I 
have tried, within the limits of a literal translation, to make 
them sing as well as merely say. 

I am deeply grateful to two friends, A. R. Davis of Cam- 
bridge and David Hawkes of Oxford, who have read this essay 
and made many useful suggestions. They must not of course be 
held in any way responsible for the views that I express. 



page 5 





Song I. 

The Great Unique 


Song II. 

The Lord Amid the Clouds 


Song III. 

The Princess of the Hsiang 


Song IV. 

The Lady of the Hsiang 


Song V. 

The Big Lord of Lives 


Song VI. 

The Little Lord of Lives 

4 1 

Song VII. 

The Lord of the East 


Song VIII. 

The River God 


Song IX. 

The Mountain Spirit 





The Expansion of CKu 



Aoki Masaru's Interpretation 

of the 

Nine Songs 



The Commentaries 





In ancient China intermediaries used in the cult of Spirits 
were called wu. 1 They figure in old texts as experts in exorcism, 
prophecy, fortune-telling, rain-making and interpretation of 
dreams. Some wu danced, and they are sometimes defined as 
people who danced in order to bring down Spirits. But it is clear 
that dancing was not invariably a part of their technique, and the 
idea that they were by definition 'dancers' is perhaps partly due 
to a popular etymology which equated wu, 'spirit-intermediary' 
with wu, 'to dance.' They were also magic healers and in later 
times at any rate one of their methods of doctoring was to go, as 
Siberian shamans do, 3 to the underworld and find out how the 
Powers of Death could be propitiated. 3 Indeed the functions of 
Chinese wu were so like those of Siberian and Tunguz shamans 
that it is convenient (as has indeed been done by Far Eastern and 
European writers) to use shaman as a translation of wu. 

Early references to shamans, though fairly frequent, 4 unfortu- 
nately tell us little or nothing about how they set to work. The 
Spirit talks to or through the shaman; but whether the shaman 
receives these divine communications when in a state of trance or 
whether some incorporeal part of him climbs to Heaven and there 
converses with the deity is not made clear. Nor are we told how 
one becomes a shaman. There is a second century B.C. story5 of a 
woman upon whom a Spirit first descended when she was ill, and 
it appears that afterwards it was only during spells of illness that 
she shamanized. The maladie initiatique is of course a common 
stage in the career of shamans, magicians and saints in many 
parts of the world, and shamans used often to be described as 
neurotics by European writers. With this view of them it is inter- 
esting to contrast the following passage from a discourse on the 
relations between men and Spirits supposed to have been delivered 
about 500 B.C. The shaman, according to this text, 6 is a person 
upon whom a Bright Spirit has descended, attracted to him 
because he is 'particularly vigorous and lively, staunch in adher- 
ence to principle, reverent and just; so wise that in all matters 

high and low he always takes the right side, so saintly (sheng) that 
he spreads around him a radiance that reaches far and wide . . . 
This is of course an idealized picture, perhaps intended to apply 
only to shamans of a Golden Age in the past, such as the famous 
shaman Hsien (Wu Hsien), a divinized shaman who became one 
of the principal gods in north-west China, and figures in the 
famous imprecation of the country of Ch'in against the country of 
Ch'u, in which the King of Ch'u is accused of 'showing no fear 
of God on High in his August Heaven, nor of that very illustrious 
Great Spirit, the shaman Hsien.' 

But to return to the question of how one becomes a shaman. 
The frequent expression 'shaman family' (wu chid) seems to 
suggest that the profession was often hereditary. But in Ch'i 
(northern Shantung) such an expression would have had no 
meaning, for there every family was a shaman family : 'among the 
common people the eldest daughter is not allowed to marry. She 
is called the "shaman-child" (wu-erh) and is in charge of the 
family's religious rites. This custom still (i.e. c. a.d. 80) prevails.'7 

Spirits constantly appear to men in dreams or simply as day- 
light apparitions and communicate freely, without the aid of a 
shaman ; and the conditions under which they required a shaman 
as a necessary intermediary are not at all clear. The most striking 
example of this is the story about the spirit (or ghost, if you will) 
of Prince Shen-sheng of Chin. In 655 B.C. the Duke of Chin 
murdered his son, Prince Shen-sheng. In 650, after some years of 
sordid scramble for the succession, a brother of Shen-sheng 
succeeded to the Dukedom. One of his first acts was to disinter 
Shen-sheng and re-bury him without the rites due to a former 
Heir-Apparent. Shortly afterwards Shen-sheng's spirit descended 
from Heaven and appeared to one of his former retainers. He 
announced that he had complained to God (Ti) about the new 
Duke's insulting conduct, and God had promised that to punish 
the Duke He would cause his country to be conquered by a 
neighbouring country to the west. The retainer pointed out that it 
would be fairer if the Duke were punished in some way that did 
not involve the whole land of Chin. 'That is true,' said the spirit. 
T will talk to God about it again.' The spirit then instructed his 
retainer to go in seven days' time to a certain place in south- 
western Shansi, where he would find a shaman waiting. The 
retainer kept the appointment and, speaking through the shaman's 


mouth, the Spirit now said that God had given fresh instructions : 
the Duke was to be punished; but the innocent were not to be 
involved. 8 

For even the most meagre description of a shamanistic seance 
we have to wait till the fourth century a.d. In the biography9 of a 
certain Hsia T'ung there is an account of two shaman girls who 
practised in what is now Chehkiang, south of the Yangtze delta. 
'They were of remarkable beauty, wore magnificent costumes and 
sang and danced well. They also had the power to become invisible. 
At nightfall, to the accompaniment of bells and drums, strings 
and flutes, they would slit their tongues with a knife, "swallow 
knives, spit fire from their mouths, fill the whole place with clouds 
till there was complete darkness," or produce flashes of dazzling 
light.' Hsia T'ung, who disapproved of shamans, having been 
tricked by his relatives into coming to a performance which a 
cousin was giving to propitiate the soul of one of his ancestors, 10 
found the two girls 'already leaping and whirling in the courtyard. 
There were spirit conversations, ghostly laughter . . . exchange of 
wine-pledges turn and turn about.' Hsia T'ung was so much 
horrified by the spectacle that without waiting for the porter to 
open the gate he broke through the hedge and rushed back to his 
home. This account is probably not accurate in its details, for it 
is high-flown and allusive in style, and from 'swallow knives' to 
'darkness' is a quotation from a second century a.d. description 11 
of a music hall performance. From the fourth century onwards 
holy men, particularly strangers from India and Central Asia (and 
later particularly Sogdians and Persians), 12 were credited with 
fakiristic performances such as tongue-slitting and belly-ripping; 
but there is, I think, no evidence that such feats formed part of 
the traditional shaman-technique in China. 

The prejudice against shamanism which is displayed in this 
story went hand in hand with the rise and spread of Confucianism. 
It was founded, I think, on the saying attributed in more than 
one place to Confucius that one should 'revere Spirits, but keep 
them at a distance.' When in 32-31 B.C. shamanistic performances 
at the Chinese Court were abolished, this saying was quoted 1 3 by 
the minister who sponsored the reform. Opponents of shamanism 
also had a theory that 'when a ruler is addicted to the use of 
shamans, cases of baleful haunting (sui) become more frequent.' 1 4 

After the establishment of Confucianism as a State religion in 


the first century B.C. the governing classes tended more and more 
to look down upon shamans, regarding them at the best as socially 
inferior — putting them indeed on the same low level as profes- 
sional entertainers, musicians, craftsmen and other specialized 
technicians, who were not regarded as gentlemen (chun-tztL) y or at 
the worst were looked upon as impostors who traded on the 
credulity of the masses. Perhaps the last person connected with 
shamanism to reach a high social position was the wife of the 
famous administrator Huang Pa. 1 5 When Huang was young he 
held a post in the police-patrol at Yang-hsia, about sixty miles 
south-west of Kaifeng in Honan. One day when he was going on 
his rounds he happened to have with him in his carriage a skilled 
phrenologist. The phrenologist suddenly pointed to a woman who 
was passing and said, 'Either the books on phrenology are all 
wrong, or that woman is destined to become rich and great.' 
Huang Pa questioned the woman and found that she was the 
daughter of a shaman family in a neighbouring village. Such was 
his confidence in the phrenologist that he at once married her 
and despite her humble origin kept her with him, though he rose 
from one high post to another. When, after her death, he became 
Prime Minister (in 55 B.C.) he had her disinterred from a provin- 
cial grave and re-buried in the aristocratic cemetery at Tu-ling, a 
few miles from the Capital. 

I do not know when people belonging to a shaman family were 
first debarred from holding official posts. This was certainly so 
about a.d. 70, when Kao Feng 16 avoided office by saying that he 
came of a wu family and was therefore disqualified for public 
service. There is a later example of this in one of the Judgments 
(No. 81) of Po Chli-i (a.d. 772-846): N. is summoned by the 
Governor of his district to serve on his Staff. He declines on the 
ground that he belongs to a family of shamans and is therefore 
debarred from holding office. The law-officers sue him for mis- 
representation of status. Were they right? Judgment: 'In "defiling 
himself" by claiming to come of a shaman family N. was obviously 
only seeking to decline the appointment in a way that could not 
give offence. He had a perfect right to remain a private person if 
he wished to do so/ 

But another story shows that many centuries later the hold of 
shamanism even on the official classes was still strong. Round 
about 1330 Yli Pan, 1 ? brother of the famous writer and statesman 


Yii Chi, was Assessor at Hsiang-hsiang, about fifty miles south- 
west of Ch'ang-sha in Hunan. It was a fairly large town and in 
1295 had been made the administrative centre of a district. There 
came to this place a shaman who was considered a great acquisi- 
tion, as he constantly warned people beforehand that there was 
going to be a fire in such or such a place, with the result that the 
fires were quickly put out. A Spirit (shen), he said, came down 
and told him where the fires were going to break out. In this way 
he had a great reputation as a prophet and was treated with high 
consideration by all the notables of the place. After a time he 
announced that war and other disasters were approaching Hsiang- 
hsiang. Panic set in and many of the inhabitants fled. At this 
point one of the shaman's accomplices confessed that it was he 
who, on instructions from the shaman, had started the fires. The 
rumour about wars and disasters had been started in order to 
facilitate an onslaught on the town by bandits with whom the 
shaman was in league. The shaman was arrested and confessed, 
but none of the other officials of Hsiang-hsiang, from the highest 
downwards, dared to pronounce judgment against the holy man. 
Yii Pan protested that they could not leave matters like that ; but 
his colleagues all said, 'If he is to be condemned, you must do it 
yourself.' Yii Pan then gave a verdict against the shaman and the 
other conspirators, whose names the shaman had revealed. 

Some more stories about ancient Chinese shamans will be 
found below, in the 'commentaries' where I discuss individual 
deities and their history. All I have attempted to do here is to 
quote a few passages which may help to orientate the reader in 
his approach to the Nine Songs which are the subject of this 
essay. These songs are to be found in a collection of pieces called 
Ch'u Tz y u y a title which has generally been translated 'Elegies of 
Ch'u.' Ch'u was a kingdom which round about the middle of the 
fourth century B.C. comprised parts of what are now the provinces 
of Hunan, Hupeh, Anhwei, Honan, and Szechwan.* That is to 
say it included about a third of the then existing China. In these 
songs shamanism assumes a particular form not known, I think, 
in the classic shamanistic areas — Siberia, Manchuria, Central 
Asia. The shaman's relation with the Spirit is represented as a 
kind of love-affair. 18 One is, of course, vaguely reminded of temple 

* For the steps by which Ch'u from being a southern country became 
predominantly an eastern one, see below, p. 59. 


prostitutes in the Near East, and of devadasi and Krishna's rela- 
tions with the adoring cow-girls in India; but these are only- 
vague analogies. 

It is clear at any rate that the relation between the shaman and 
the deity is a fleeting one, and perhaps the closest analogy to it may 
be found in the situation of the hito-toki jord (single-time concu- 
bines) chosen as temporary consorts for the visiting god at the 
time of certain Shinto festivals in Japan. Some miko (shaman) 
songs in the twelfth century Japanese collection Rydjin Htssho 
show the god clearly as a lover. For example : 

Kami naraba If you are a god, 

Yurara-sarara-to With a swing and a swish 

Ori-tamae! Deign to come down. 

Ikanaru kami ka Would any god 

Monohajiwo sunt? Be shy about such matters? 

In the Nine Songs the typical form is this : first the shaman (a 
man if the deity is female, a girl if the deity is male) sees the 
Spirit descending and goes out to meet it, riding in an equipage 
sometimes drawn by strange or mythical creatures. In the next 
part of the song the shaman's meeting with the Spirit (a sort of 
mantic honeymoon) is over. The Spirit has proved fickle and the 
shaman wanders about love-lorn, waiting in vain for the lover's 
return. Between these two parts may have come the shaman's 
main ecstatic dance. 

The songs contain a number of meaningless cries or exclama- 
tions, and at the cesura of each line is the exclamation hsi which 
may (but this again is only a very tentative suggestion) represent 
the panting of the shaman in trance, a sound very familiar to 
anyone who has attended mediumistic seances in Europe. Almost 
always it appears to be the shaman who is speaking in the songs. 
It may not always be he who does the actual singing; singers 
(cKang) are mentioned several times, and may sometimes have 
sung his (or her) words, just as the chorus sometimes sings the 
main dancer's words in Japanese No plays. One might expect the 
Spirit to speak through the shaman's mouth. The shaman, says a 
writer of the first century a.d., 'strikes the Dark Strings (probably 
a shaman name for some kind of zithern) and brings down the 
dead, who speak through his mouth.'^ And there are numerous 
stories of divinities and dead men speaking through shamans. As 


we shall see, lines 9-23 in Song VII make better sense if attributed 
to the Spirit, and the first six lines of Song VI could, despite 
some difficulties, also be taken in this way. Elsewhere it generally 
seems that it is the shaman who is speaking, or else the chorus ; in 
the latter case, either for the shaman or in comment upon what is 
happening. I have assumed dialogue only when the context seemed 
imperatively to demand it. It is quite possible (and this, I know, 
would be the view of some scholars) that I have pushed this prin- 
ciple too far and that there is more dialogue than I have indicated. 

To what sort of performances do the Songs belong ? References 
to a hall (fang) seem to show that they were carried out near or 
perhaps inside a formal building, and as in Song II the Spirit 
halts at an Abode of Life (Shou-kung), a sort of chapel for the 
worship of spirits, attached to palaces, it seems that they took 
place at the Court of some great personage, possibly the King of 
Ch'u. I take them to have been a set of rites in honour of the 
principal deities of the land of Ch'u at a time when the territories 
already extended far beyond the original homeland in the basins 
of the Yangtze and Han rivers. There is no reason to suppose 
that the songs represent a complete libretto of the performances. 
There may very well have been prose dialogue (improvised or 
otherwise); for example, the shaman may during the 'mantic 
honeymoon' (this, I ought to point out, is my own descriptive 
phrase and not a Chinese term) have pleaded with the Spirit on 
behalf of the people of Ch'u, securing promises of good harvests, 
immunity from floods and diseases and so on. This part of the 
programme would have varied according to circumstances and so 
not have formed part of the fixed liturgy. There may also very 
well have been some 'properties.' For example, the Western 
Mountain (K'un-lun)* may have been represented by a raised 
platform of some kind, and Heaven by a pole with notches cut in 
it to make the Nine Regions of Heaven. These, however, are only 

Appended to the Nine Songs are a Hymn to the Fallen 20 (to 
warriors fallen in battle), and also a sort of envoi, making eleven 
pieces in all. .But these last two did not, I think, form part of the 
original series. 

Apart from a few unfamiliar and presumably dialectical usages 
the Nine Songs are in standard Chinese, as used by the ruling 

* See below, p. 47. 

classes in the various States of ancient China. It is possible that 
some or all of them started life in dialect form. Or again some 
(and this would apply particularly to Songs III and IV which 
have their scene south of the Yangtze) may even have originally 
been in a non-Chinese language. The main difficulty in inter- 
preting the songs lies in the fact that the subject of the sentence 
is so often left unexpressed. Add to this the absence of number, 
gender and tense, and you will readily agree that there is bound 
to be room for differences of interpretation. These difficulties are 
by no means confined to very early Chinese and have led to con- 
troversies about the meaning even of lines by standard poets, 
such as Tu Fu (a.d. 713-770). But it must not be supposed that, 
as regards intelligibility, the case of the songs ever comes any- 
where near to being so parlous as that of, for example, the Zoroas- 
trian gdthds, in which the meaning of at any rate more than half 
the lines is uncertain. 21 

The Nine Songs owe their preservation to the fact that like 
other early Chinese songs they were interpreted allegorically. 
The shaman becomes a virtuous minister who after having for a 
time enjoyed the favour of his prince is discarded by him. The 
best-known similar case outside China is of course the Song of 
Songs, which would never have found its way into both the 
Jewish and the Christian Bibles if it had not been allegorized to 
meet the needs of later times. It was in this allegorical sense that 
the Nine Songs were understood till well into the twentieth 
century, although it was recognized from the second century 
a.d. onwards that the moral interpretation was only a sort of 
ultimate meaning, and that taken in their literal sense they were 
wu (shaman) songs. They were first translated into a European 
language a hundred years ago by the Viennese scholar Pfizmaier, 22 
and since then there have been several complete or partial trans- 
lations ; but I do not think that any of these are satisfactory. My 
aim here has been to translate and comment upon them in a way 
that would be useful to students of the history of religion and 
interesting to the general reader. But I have added a few notes 
intended chiefly for sinologues. Mere translation could not 
possibly make the songs intelligible, and I have found it best to 
follow each translation by a running commentary. About the 
authorship of the Songs (that is to say, about the identity of the 
person who gave them their present form) and about their rela- 


tion to the other pieces in the 'Ch'u Elegies' I have deliberately 
said nothing. These are questions which will, I am sure, be one 
day discussed by two younger scholars who have for some time 
been studying them. As regards the time when these Songs were 
put into their present form, I should say that the traditional 
dating (fourth to third century B.C.) seems quite reasonable. But 
of course the prototypes on which they were founded may in some 
cases go back to a much earlier period. In the cults with which 
the Nine Songs deal an immensely important part was played by 
various kinds of sweet-smelling plants. Their names naturally 
constitute a great difficulty for the translator. There was of course 
in ancient times no systematic nomenclature based on structural 
differences. One name often covered plants which we should put 
in quite different categories, and the same name had different 
meanings in different places and at different times. This is true, of 
course, of all popular, traditional plant nomenclature. Friend, in 
his Flowers and Flower-lore (1884) tells us that in his day 'cowslip' 
in Devonshire often meant fox-glove, but that at Teignmouth 
people called buttercups 'cowslips.' In North Devon, he says, 
fox-gloves are called poppies ! That is also the sort of situation we 
have to deal with when flowers are mentioned in old Chinese 
texts. One solution would be to leave the names untranslated ; but 
that is only possible if one is making a scholastic crib. In a trans- 
lation like mine that aims at giving as far as possible an impression 
of the literary quality of the original, one must try to use English 
words, even if they are only makeshifts. Take the case of Ian. 
The term used to be translated 'orchid.' Then someone discovered 
that it was really thoroughwort (eupatorium Chinense) which has 
nothing to do with the orchid family. But Ian is the name that 
modern Chinese botanists give to the orchidaceae; and I have 
stuck to orchid as a translation of Ian. 'Thoroughwort' is awkward 
to handle metrically and is not a word that would convey any- 
thing to most readers. Actually Ian in ancient times seems to have 
been applied to many different kinds of aromatic plant. 

Names of stars confront the translator with the same difficulty. 
There was, at any rate till a period much later than that of the Songs, 
a fluctuating and loose nomenclature, except as regards a few well- 
known constellations. Moreover names that figure later as those of 
stars may originally only have denoted features in the mythological 
topography of Heaven, without being identified with actual stars. 

The Nine Songs *7 B 


(i) Wu and hsi. There is an assertion, generally of a lexico- 
graphical kind, in several Chinese texts that wu means a female 
shaman and that another word, hsi, should be used of male shamans. 
But in practice shamans were called wu irrespective of their sex. 

(2) See M. Eliade, Le Chamanisme, p. 188. Shaman is a Tunguz 
word which became current in English owing to its appearance in a 
number of travel books translated, chiefly from German, from the 
end of the seventeenth century onwards. 

(3) See Kano Naoki, Shinagaku Ronso, p. 25. Professor Kan5 
found, some fifty years ago, that in the region south of the Yangtze 
when anyone was seriously ill his relatives sent for a wu who, 
having been copiously supplied with food and drink, fell into a 
coma which lasted for many hours. On recovering consciousness the 
wu gave an account of her visit to the Underworld and told the 
relatives of the sick man what she had learnt there about the chances 
of the invalid's recovery — whether the Powers of Death were 
implacable or whether there was some rite that would appease them. 

(4) The occurrence of the character wu in the Honan oracle- 
bones seems fairly certain, but the sentences in which it occurs are 
of very uncertain interpretation. 

(5) The illness of Shen-chun, see Han Shu, 25 A. 21 a. # 

(6) Kuo Yii, Ch'u Yii, Part II. 

(7) Han Shu, 28 B. 30 b. 

(8) Tso Chuan, Hsi 10th year. 

(9) Chin Shu, 94. 3. 

(10) 'One of his ancestors.' Or perhaps simply 'his father.' 

(11) Chang Heng's '/m of the Western Capital,' Wen Hsiian, 2. 14. 

(12) As for example in Stein 367 (Tun-huang MSS.). 

(13) Han Chi, ch. 24. 4 b. 

(14) Kuan Tzu, 3. 

(15) Huang Pa; see Han Shu, 89. 4 seq. 

(16) Hou Han Shu, 83. 15 a. 

(17) Yuan Shih, 181. The Yii Pan episode happened during the 
Mongol dynasty. The Mongols were shamanists and Mongolian 
shamans were officially employed at Court. But it is improbable that 
any of the officials at Hsiang-hsiang were Mongols or that the 
dread of shamans shown in this story was due to Mongol influence. 

* References are to the Po-na edition of the histories. The text used 
in translating the Songs was the Ssu-pu Ts'ung-k'an edition. 


(18) The 'love-affair' aspect of the Songs was first emphasized by 
A. Conrady in lectures at Leipzig early in the twentieth century. See 
Bruno Schindler, Das Priestertum im alten China, p. 28. For Japanese 
analogies, see T. Nakayama, Nihon Fujo Shi (History of Female 
Shamans in Japan), 1931. 

(19) Lun Heng, 20. 

(20) Chinese Poems (1946), p. 35. 

(21) According to a recent computation only one part in seven of 
the Gathas is intelligible. See I. Gershevitch in Literatures of the 
East, p. 58. 

(22) August Pfizmaier: Das Li-sao und die Neun Gesdnge. In 
Denkschriften der Phil. Hist. Classe der Kaiserl. Akad. d. Wissen- 
schaften, Vienna, 1852. An extremely good piece of work, if one 
considers the time when it was made and the meagreness of the 
material to which Pfizmaier had access. 



Song I 

(Monarch of the East) 

i On this lucky day, good in both its signs,* 

Let us in reverence give pleasure to the Monarch on high. 

I hold my long sword by its jade grasp ;f 

My girdle-gems tinkle with a cbHiu-cKiang. 
5 From the jewelled mat with its jade weights 

Why not now take the perfumed spray? J 

Meats I offer, flavoured with basil, on strewn orchids laid ; 

I set out the cassia-wine and peppered drink. 

Now the sticks are raised, the drums are struck, 
10 To beats distanced and slow the chanters gently sing, 

Then to the ranks of reed-organ and zither make loud reply. 

The Spirit§ moves proudly in his splendid gear; 

Sweetest scents with gusts of fragrance fill the hall. 

The five notes || chime in thick array; 
15 The Lord is pleased and happy, his heart is at rest. 

* The two signs marking the place of the day in the cycle of sixty days, 
f A sword from the 'land of Ch'u' with an inlet jade grasp can be seen at 
the British Museum. 
\ Held by the dancers. 
§ i.e. the shaman. 
|| Of the pentatonic scale. 



I take it that the deity in question is a supreme god, similar to 
the Shang Ti, 'God on High/ of the Book of Songs and other 
early Chinese literature. Under the name Great Unique (T'ai I) 
he had a tremendous vogue during the second and first centuries 
B.C. In or about 133 B.C.* a man from Po, a part of Honan that 
had previously been included in the Ch'u kingdom (whence the 
Nine Songs are supposed to come), prevailed on the Emperor Wu 
of the Han dynasty to make the Imperial cult centre round this 
deity. The Great Unique continued to hold this position for 
several reigns, and his cult as chief god was only brought to an 
end (along with many other religious innovations of Wu's reign) 
in 32 B.c.f The commentators say that the Great Unique was 
called Monarch of the East (Tung Huang) because he belonged 
to the eastern part of Ch'u ; if that is true his chief cult-centre was 
probably in Anhwei. 'Great Unique' is also the name of a star, 
but he no doubt existed as a deity first, just as Jupiter the god 
existed (or so I suppose) before Jupiter the planet. His cult 
as a star-spirit (not as a supreme deity) continued for many 

This initial song differs from most of the rest in that there is no 
love-affair between the god and the shaman, and that offerings of 
food are mentioned. I take the person with the long sword to be 
the holder of the ceremony, and the Spirit who 'moves proudly' 
to be the shaman. 'The Spirit {ling) means the shaman,' says the 
early commentator Wang I (c. a.d. 120). 'The body is the sha- 
man's, but the mind is the divinity's,' says Chu Hsi in a.d. 1199. 
'Possession' is not mentioned or implied in any of the other songs ; 
but from the second century a.d. onwards (and perhaps earlier) it 
was regarded in China as the typical form of shamanism, and it 
also holds this position among the Tunguz. It seems to figure 
little if at all in the shamanism of the Altai peoples and 
Mongols .J 

* Han Shu, 25 A. 19 b. f Ibid., 25 B. 13 a. 

J Shamanism has many different techniques and it seems to me a mistake 
arbitrarily to label one or the other of them as 'true shamanism.' 


No personal pronouns are expressed in the original ; there is no 
C I/ 'my,' 'us* or the like. In English one has to commit oneself, 
but must be taken as doing so tentatively, as I have already 
indicated above (p. 16). 


Song II 


i I have washed in brew of orchid, bathed in sweet scents, 
Many-coloured are my garments ; I am like a flower. 
Now in long curves the Spirit has come down 
In a blaze of brightness unending. 

5 Chten!* He is coming to rest at the Abode of Life ;f 
As a sun, as a moonbeam glows his light. 
In dragon chariot and the vestment of a godj 
Hither and thither a little while he moves. 

The Spirit in great majesty came down; 
10 Now he soars up swiftly amid the clouds. 

He looks down on the province of Chi§ and far beyond ; 
He traverses to the Four Seas ; endless his flight. 
Longing for that Lord I heave a deep sigh ; 
My heart is greatly troubled ; I am very sad. 

* For these meaningless exclamations, see above, p. 14. 
t See above, p. 15. 
X Ti. 

§ Chi has two meanings (1) N.E. China, (2) Central China. Either would 
make sense here. 



The general form is typical; but on a reduced scale. Between 
lines 8 and 9 one has to suppose the tender meeting of the shaman 
and deity, and perhaps also the central dance of the piece. The 
erotic element is reduced to a single love-lorn couplet at the end. 
The Lord Amid the Clouds was served* at the Chinese Court in 
the second century B.C. by Chin wu (shamans from what is now 
Shansi, in N.E. China). As we have seen (p. 13) part of Shansi 
was included in the kingdom of Ch'u. 

I take the speaker throughout to be the shaman, presumably in 
this case a woman. 

* Han Shu, 25 A. 14 b. 


Song III 


i The Princess does not come, she bides her time. 

Chien! she is waiting for someone on that big island. 

I will deck myself in all my handsome finery 

And set out to find her, riding in my cassia-boat. 
5 May the Yuan and Hsiang* raise no waves, 

May the waters of the Great River flow quietly ! 

I look towards that Princess, but she does not come; 

Blowing her pan-pipes there, of whom is she thinking ? 

Driving her winged dragons she has gone to the North; 
10 I turn my boat and make for Tung-t'ing. 

My awning is of fig-creeper, bound with basil. 

My paddles of sweet flag, my banners are of orchid. 

I gaze towards the furthest shores of Ts'en-yang ; j* 

But athwart the Great River she lifts her godhead, 
15 Lifts her godhead higher and ever higher; 

Reluctant, her handmaids follow her; for my sake heave 
great sighs. 

And my own tears flow aslant in an endless stream ; 

I long bitterly for my Lady and am in deep distress. 

My oars of cassia-wood, my steering-plank of magnolia 
20 Do but chip ice and pile up snow. % 

Can one pluck tree-creepers in the water? 

Can one gather water-lilies from the boughs of a tree ? 

When hearts are not at one, the match-maker wearies ; 

Favour that was but scant is lightly severed. 
25 These rocky shallows are hard to pass, 

Those flying dragons sweep her far away. 

* Rivers that flow into Tung-t'ing, the huge lake south of the Yangtze, 
f Not identified with certainty. 

X Lines 21 and 22 mean 'I am merely wasting time,' and I wonder whether 
chip ice,' etc., is not also metaphorical. 


In our union was no faithfulness, only grief has lasted ; 

She did not keep her tryst ; told me that she was not free. 

In the morning I gallop my horses through the lowlands by 
the River; 
30 In the evening I stay my course at that northern shore. 

The birds are settling on the roof-tops ; 

The waters circle under the hall. 

I drop my ivory thumb-ring* into the River, 

I cast down my girdle-stones on the shores of the Li;f 
35 On a fragrant island I pluck the galingale, 

Hoping for a chance to give it to her waiting-maids. 

Though I know that the time can never come again, 

For a while I loiter, pacing to and fro. 

* Worn to protect the right thumb against the bow-string, see Li Chi, 12. 2. 
t Another river that flows into Lake Tung-t'ing. 



We meet with the Princess of the Hsiang (Hsiang-chun) in the 
story* of the First Emperor'sf visit to the south in 219 B.C. When 
he reached the Hsiang Mountain, a precipitous island in Lake 
Tung-t'ing, near where the Hsiang flows into the lake and famous 
for its shrine of the Hsiang goddess, a storm rose. The Emperor 
asked who this 'Princess of Hsiang' was, and was told that she 
was the daughter of Yao and the wife of Shun, J and was buried 
there. He was very angry and to avenge himself on the goddess 
for impeding him by raising a storm he cut down all the trees in 
the island and had the ground marked with ochre, as though he 
were branding a criminal. But another and perhaps earlier tradi- 
tion§ is that the ladies of the Hsiang were daughters of God in 
Heaven (T'ten-ti chih nii) y and I suspect that this was how she 
was regarded when Songs III and IV were first made.|] 

In this song there is only an unsuccessful pursuit of the beloved, 
with no love-meeting, though the last lines seem to indicate that 
there had been a successful tryst in the past. It is of some interest 
in connection with this song that in a.d. 143 the shaman Ts'ao 
Yii^f was drowned when going out in a boat to 'meet' the Dancing 
Goddess (Po-sha-shen) at Shang-yu in Chehkiang. But I think 
that our shaman in this song is miming the role of someone going 
out in a boat, rather than actually doing so. 

* Shih Chi 6. 18 b. 

f The Emperor who built the Great Wall and united China. 

X Yao and Shun were legendary rulers in the dim past. 

§ Shan Hai Ching, 5. 12 a. 

|| 'The Princess of the Hsiang and the Lady of the Hsiang in the Nine Songs 
are two goddesses {shin) . . . they are Spirits (ling) co-existent with Heaven and 
Earth. How can it be said then that they were daughters of the Emperor Yao?', 
says the fourth century a.d. commentator on this passage of the Shan Hai Ching 
('Classic of Hills and Seas'). 

If Hou Han Shu, 84. 15 b. 

3 1 

Song IV 


i God's child has come down to the northern shore, 

But her eyes gaze far away ; it makes me sad. 

Nao y nao blows the autumn wind, 

Makes waves on Tung-t'ing, brings down the leaves from the 
5 Over the white nut-grass my eyes roam; 

I made a tryst with this fair one at curtain-time. 

Would a bird roost amid the duck- weed? 

What would a fish-net be doing at the top of a tree ?* 

The Yuan has its angelica, the Li its orchids ; 
10 I long for this royal lady, but dare not speak. 

All is blurred as I gaze into the distance ; 

I see only the waters swirling by. 

Would an elk browse in the courtyard ? 

What would a dragon be doing on the bank of the stream ?f 
15 In the morning I gallop my horses in the lowlands by the 

At nightfall I cross to the western bank. 

Someone says that my lovely one has sent for me ; 

I will mount my chariot and let him bring me to her. 

Now I am building a bride-room down under the water; 
20 I am thatching it with a roof of lotus leaves, 

Walls hung with sweet-flag, courtyard paved with murex; 

I strew scented pepper-plant to dress my hall. 

Beams of cassia, rafters of tree-orchid ; 

Door-lintels of magnolia, alcove of white angelica. 

* With this couplet, compare lines 21 and 22 of Song III, and lines 13 and 
14 of the present Song. The meaning in each case is: 'I am wasting my time by 
hoping for the improbable.' 

f Dragons belong down in the water. 

The Nine Songs 3 3 

25 Creepers knotted to make a bed-curtain, 

Split basil plaited into a floor-spread 

Weighted down with white jades. 

The floor strewn with rock-orchid, that it may smell sweet. 

Angelica laid on the lotus roofing 
30 And twined with bast of asarum. 

I have brought together a hundred plants to fill the court- 

I have set up scents and perfumes at porch and gate. 

But from the Nine Doubts* in a troupe to fetch her 

Spirits are coming, many as the clouds. 
35 I drop my sleeve into the River, 

I cast down my thin dress on the shores of the Li, 

On a flat island I pluck the galingale 

Meaning to send it to her that is far away. 

Though I know that the time will not so quickly come again 
40 For a while I loiter, pacing to and fro. 

* The Mountain of Nine Doubts (this is perhaps only a folk-etymology of 
the name Chiu I) was where, according to some accounts, the legendary emperor 
Shun was buried. If we accept the idea that the goddess is Shun's wife, then we 
must regard the Spirits as sent by Shun to fetch her back. If on the other hand 
we regard her as God's daughter, then the mountain only figures as a generalized 
abode of spirits. 



What strikes one at once in reading this song is that it appears 
to be to a large extent simply another version of Song III. The 
commentators explain the relationship of these songs by reference 
to the story that the legendary Emperor Yao had two daughters, 
both of whom he married to his successor, Shun. I cannot, how- 
ever, help thinking that the Lady of the Hsiang (Hsiang Fu-jen) 
is merely another name for the Princess of the Hsiang (Hsiang 
Chun), and that the two hymns represent local variants of a 
hymn addressed to the same deity. It is, however, probable that the 
person who put together the Nine Songs took them as being 
addressed to the elder and younger sister respectively. 

The correspondence between the two songs is even greater than 
appears in translation. Compare, for example, the couplet (lines 35 
and 36) in Song IV: 

I drop my sleeve into the River; 

I cast down my thin dress on the shores of the Li, 

with Song III (lines 33 and 34): 

I drop my ivory thumb -ring into the River ; 

I cast down my girdle-stones on the shores of the Li. 

Here (in Song IV) the character for 'sleeve' is almost certainly a 
corruption of the character for 'thumb-ring' ; both have the same 
right-hand half. The commentators have realized that the two 
lines in Song IV are a difficulty. Wang I (c. a.d. 120), for example, 
explains them by saying that the poet, dissatisfied with his treat- 
ment at Court, has decided to leave China and live among the 
barbarians, 'who do not wear clothes'! The character for 'thin 
dress' is presumably also a corruption of some character meaning 
girdle-ornaments or the like, offered as a courtship-gift, just as in 
Song III. The description of the bridal chamber built for the 
goddess has, I think, many parallels outside China. Here is one 
from the Hymn of the Daughter of Light which occurs in the 


apocryphal Acts of Thomas, a Christianized but partly gnostic 
work of about the second century a.d. : 

Whose bridal chamber is full of light, 

Redolent of balsam and every fragrance, 

Giving out sweet perfume 

Of myrrh and crushed leaf; 

And within is strewn myrtle. 

There is the sweet breath of innumerable flowers, 

And the door-posts are decked with iris. 


Sang V 


i The gates of Heaven are open wide ; 

Off I ride, borne on a dark cloud ! 

May the gusty winds be my vanguard, 

May sharp showers sprinkle the dust ! 
5 The Lord wheels in his flight, he is coming down ; 

I will cross K'ung-sang* and attend upon you. 

But all over the Nine Provincesf there are people in throngs ; 

Why think that his task J is among us ? 

High he flies, peacefully winging; 
10 On pure air borne aloft he handles Yin and Yang.§ 

I and the Lord, solemn and reverent, 

On our way to God cross over the Nine Hills. || 

He trails his spirit-garment, 

Dangles his girdle-gems. 
15 One Yin for every Yang; 

The crowd does not understand what we are doing. 

I pluck the sparse-hemp's^ lovely flower, 

Meaning to send it to him from whom I am separated. 

Age creeps on apace, all will soon be over; 
20 Not to draw nearer is to drift further apart. 

He has driven his dragon chariot, loudly rumbling; 

High up he gallops into Heaven. 

* K'ung-sang means 'hollow mulberry-tree.' Various heroes were born 
miraculously out of such a tree. Later the name was taken to be that of a moun- 
tain in the east. 

f i.e. all ovej China. 

% 'His task.' Literally, 'the long-life and short-life.' The god has come to 
regulate people's life-span. 

§ The two basic principles that actuate the universe; too big a theme for a 
footnote ! 

II The nine chief mountains of China; but sometimes explained as the name 
of a mountain in Ch'u. H Unidentified. 


Binding cassia-branches a long while I stay ; 
CWiang! The more I think of him, the sadder I grow, 
25 The sadder I grow ; but what does sadness help ? 
If only it could be forever as this time it was ! 
But man's fate is fixed ; 
From meetings and partings none can ever escape. 



The title, Ta Ssu-ming, means literally 'The Great Controller 
of Destinies' (or 'Lives'). Ming means a decree, particularly 
God's decrees, hence 'fate' in general, and in a narrower sense 
God's decrees about when people are to die ; so that ming comes 
to mean 'length of life,' 'life.' As we find the Ssu-ming in this 
song deciding whether people are to be long-lived or short-lived 
it seems best to translate his name by 'Lord of Lives.' This song is 
followed by one about the Little Lord of Lives. The two songs are 
about the same length, so big and little cannot (as sometimes 
happens with Chinese song-titles) mean a long song and a short 
song, addressed to the same deity. The Lord of Lives, like the 
Great Unique, was identified with a star, or with two or more 
stars, and it was suggested that the Big Lord corresponded to one 
star and the Little to another. But in Chinese tradition in general 
there is only one Lord of Lives, a very well known and often 
mentioned deity. I am therefore inclined to think that Song V 
was used at the main ceremony in his honour and Song VI at a 
lesser festival ; hence the 'Big' and 'Little' in the titles. 

At the Han Court in the second century B.C. the Lord of Lives 
was served by shamans from Ch'u,* and he was one of the familiar 
spirits of the woman who shamanized when ill.f He was credited 
with limited powers of healing : 'when an illness is in the marrow 
of the bones not even the Lord of Lives can cure it. 'J A book§ 
belonging to the end of the second century a.d. says : 'Today . . . 
people carve a wooden human figure (of the Lord of Lives) one 
foot two inches high which, when away from home, they carry in 
a box, and at home keep in a special small shrine. They regard 
this deity as on the same level of importance as Heaven and 
Earth. This cult is very prevalent at Ju-nan|| and other neighbour- 
ing districts. Offerings of dried meat are always made to him, 
generally in spring and autumn.' The author of the book was a 
Ju-nan man and is describing the cult as he knew it in his home 

* Han Shu, 25 A. 14 b. The Shih Chi, 28. 17 b. mentions shamans from Chin 
(Shansi). f See above, p. 9. 

% Shih Chi, 105. 7 a. § Feng Su T'ung, 8. end. 

II In S.W. Honan, within Ch'u territory. 


country. He does not, of course, imply that the worship of the 
Lord of Lives was confined to Honan. It seems indeed also to 
have existed in early times in Ch'i (northern Shantung), for a 
bronze inscription* dating apparently from the sixth century B.C. 
records an offering of two jade goblets and eight tripods 'to the 
Great Lord of Lives.' Later the Lord of Lives became a house- 
hold god, 'living among men,' and was often identified with the 
stove-god.f But the Little Lord of Song VI is clearly thought of 
as a heavenly deity. 

We are in the fortunate position of knowing exactly what the 
Lord of Lives looks like : 'he is eight feet [six English feet] high, 
has a small nose, carries his head flung back, has a heavy mous- 
tache, and is very lean.' J 

I take the outline of the song to be as follows: The gates of 
Heaven are open, which means that the god is about to leave 
Heaven and descend. The shaman, as usual, goes out to meet 
him. She remembers, however, that China is a large country and 
hardly dares hope that the god will descend in her direction. 

The god is 'handling' Yin and Yang, the two primordial prin- 
ciples, corresponding to shade and sunshine, female and male, 
soul and body, and so on. That is to say, he is adjusting them — 
keeping them in due balance, which will ensure good health, good 
weather, good crops, and so forth. The shaman joins him and is 
permitted to help him in his task, which consists in making sure 
that there is 'one Yin for every Yang.' This phrase also occurs in 
the Hsi Tz'u, a work of about the third century B.C., where it is 
followed by the statement that this balance of elements is 'used 
every day by ordinary people without their knowing it,' which 
corresponds exactly to: 'the crowd does not understand what we 
are doing' (line 16 of the Big Lord of Lives). 

In lines 17 to 28 the god has abandoned his devotee and she is 
left, as usual, in melancholy and desolation. 'Handling Yin and 
Yang' has sometimes been taken to mean love-making. I do not 
think that the text as it stands can be understood in this way, but 
this may very well have been the meaning of the passage in its 
original form. 

* See Kuo Mo-jo, Liang Chou Chin Wen Tz'u, p. 254. 
t See Li Chi, 23, and commentaries. 

X From the Ch'un CKiu Tso Chu Ch'i, a work of about the first century A.D., 
quoted in the commentary on Hou Han Shu, 59, 26 b, Life of Chang Hgng. 


Song VI 


i The autumn orchid and the deer-fodder* 

Grow thick under the hall, 

From green leaves and white branches 

Great gusts of scent assail me. 
5 Among such peoplef there are sure to be lovely young ones ; 

You J have no need to be downcast and sad. 

The autumn orchid is in its splendour ; 

Green its leaves, purple its stem. 

The hall is full of lovely girls ; 
10 But suddenly it is me he eyes and me alone. 

When he came in he said nothing, when he went out he said 
no word ; 

Riding on the whirlwind he carried a banner of cloud. 

There is no sadness greater than that of a life-parting ;§ 

No joy greater than that of making new friends. 
15 In coat of lotus-leaf, belt of basil 

Suddenly he came, and as swiftly went. 

At nightfall he is to lodge in the precincts of God. 

Lord, for whom are you waiting, on the fringe of the clouds ? 

I bathed with you in the Pool of Heaven, || 
20 I dried your hair for you in a sunny fold of the hill. 

I look towards my fair one ; but he does not come. 

With the wind on my face despairing I chant aloud. 

* A kind of parsley. 

f i.e. the people attending the ceremony whose beauty is likely to match the 
fragrance of the plants. But the meaning of lines 5 and 6 is very uncertain. 

X Addressing the god. 

§ When the people concerned are still alive, but cannot meet. 

|j Where the sun bathes; also the name of a constellation. I omit two lines 
generally agreed to belong elsewhere. 

4 1 

Chariot-awning of peacock feathers, halcyon flags — 
He mounts to the Nine Heavens,* wields the Broom-star.f 
25 Lifts his long sword to succour young and old ; 

Yes, you alone are fit to deal out justice to the people. 

* Usually thought of in ancient China as lateral, not superimposed, 
f i.e. comet; used by deities to sweep away evil. 



In Song V (the Big Lord) the season is not indicated. But in the 
present song (the Little Lord) line 7 fixes it as autumn. The 
shaman appears to be speaking throughout. The love-meeting 
takes place after line 10 ('me he eyes and me alone'). In the next 
line it is over and the god has departed. For both Songs, see 
E. Erkes, 'The God of Death in Ancient China,' T'oung Pao, 
xxxv, 1939. 


Song VII 


i There is a glow in the sky ; soon he will be rising in the east. 

Now on my balcony falls a ray from Fu-sang.* 

I touch my horses and gently drive. 

The night grows pale; now it is broad daylight. 
5 He harnesses his dragon-shaft, f rides on his thunder- 
wheels, x 

He carries banners of cloud that twist and trail. 

But he heaves a great sigh, and when he is about to rise 

He cannot make up his mind ; he looks back full of yearning. 

'CKiang! Beauty§ and music are things to delight in! 
10 He that looks lingers, and forgets to go on his way. 

The zithern-strings are tightened; drum answers drum. 

The bells are beaten till the bell-stand rocks. 

Sound of flute, blowing of the reed-organ ; 

A clever and beautiful Spirit-guardian|| 
15 Lightly fluttering on halcyon wings. 

Verses chanted to fit the dance, 

Singers who keep their pitch, instruments in strict measure; 

The coming of many Spirits ]| covers the sun. 

Coat of blue cloud, skirt of white rainbow, 
20 I gather my reins and my chariot sweeps aloft. 

I take up my long arrow and shoot at the Heavenly Wolf,** 

Then draw toward me the Dipperjf and pour out for myself 
a drink of cassia J J 

And bow in hand plunge into the abyss, 

Am lost in mirk and darkness as I start on my journey to the 

* The 'propped-up mulberry tree' ; the place where the sun rises. 

f Chariot with dragons carved on the shaft. 

% The thunder-god is always shown manipulating wheel-like objects. 

§ Of the singing-girls. || i.e. the shaman. ^ Attracted by the music. 

** Name of a baleful star. For the Shooting, see commentary. 

ft Name of four stars in Ursa Major. %% To celebrate his victory. 



In the second century B.C. shamans from Chin (Shansi) served 
the Lord of the East (Tung-chun) at the Chinese Court.* I cannot 
help thinking that, mythologically speaking, he is the same 
person as Eastern Brightness (Tung-ming), the North Korean 
culture-hero who at the age of seven made himself a bow and 
arrow, and hit everything he aimed at.f Tung-ming's father was 
God in Heaven (T'ien-ti) who visited his mother in the form of a 
ray of sunlight. J Fu-sang, the land of sunrise, was later identified 
with Japan. 

The shaman, as usual, goes to welcome the god. The god 
catches sight of the worshippers and in lines 9 to 18 describes 
what he hears and sees. Musicians are playing, singers are chant- 
ing and there is a 'clever and handsome shaman' — a tribute that 
the shaman pays to himself, the god's speech being, as I take it, 
spoken through the shaman's mouth. In lines 19 to the end the 
god's description of his own actions continues. He soars up again 
to Heaven, shoots the baleful Wolf Star, then using the Dipper 
Star as a ladle refreshes himself with a drink of cassia-juice. 
Finally, bow in hand (I doubt whether the Bow and Arrow con- 
stellation is here thought of), plunges into the abyss, to make his 
subterranean return-journey to the land of sunrise. There is no 
love-meeting or tearful parting in this song. As lines 20 to 23 in 
their existing order do not make sense I have assumed a confusion 
in the text. Line 20 becomes my line 21, line 21 becomes my 
line 23, line 23 becomes my line 20.§ 

* Han Shu, 25 A. 14 b. 

f See Hou Han Shu, 85. 4 b, and Wei Chih, 30, ia b (commentary). 

% Ch'ao-hsien Shih Luo, I. 4 a. For the development of the Tung-ming 
legend, see R. Imanishi, Chosen Koshi no Kenkyu (1938), p. 475 seq. 

§ There is a translation of this Song by Maspero in Journal Asiatique, 1924, 
pp. 21-23. 


Song VIII 


i With you I wandered down the Nine Rivers ;* 

A whirlwind rose and the waters barred us with their waves. 
We rode in a water-chariot with awning of lotus-leaf 
Drawn by two dragons, with griffins to pull at the sides. 

5 I climb K'un-lun j- and look in all directions ; 

My heart rises all a-flutter, I am agitated and distraught. 

Dusk is coming, but I am too sad to think of return. 

Of the far shore only are my thoughts ; I lie awake and yearn. 

In his fish-scale house, dragon-scale hall, 
10 Portico of purple-shell, in his red palace, 

What is the Spirit doing, down in the water ? 

Riding a white turtle, followed by stripy fish 

With you I wandered in the islands of the River. 

The ice is on the move ; soon the floods will be down. 
15 You salute me with raised J hands, then go towards the East. 

I go with my lovely one as far as the southern shore. 

The waves surge on surge come to meet him, 

Fishes shoal after shoal escort me on my homeward way. 

* The 'Nine Rivers,' constituting the delta of the Yellow River, belong to 
mythical geography. 

f Mythical mountain where the Yellow River was supposed to rise. Later 
the name was applied to various real mountain ranges in the west. See above, 
p. 15. 

% Hands folded in the sleeves and raised. 



Of the deities that figure in the Nine Songs the god of the 
Yellow River is the only one who continued to be prominent in 
Chinese legend and whose cult went on till modern times. In 
Song VIII he is called Ho-po, which is his commonest name. 
This means River Elder. He is also often called Ho-shen (Spirit 
of the River), or simply Ho, 'The River.' He was a greedy god, 
often taking a fancy to and abducting mortal men's daughters, to 
add to his harem, or carrying off their sons to marry to his 
daughters, who figure largely in Chinese legend. Sometimes he 
merely took a fancy to people's clothes. Before a great battle 
(630 B.C.) in which the people of Ch'u were defeated by their 
northern neighbours, the people of Chin, the Ch'u minister 
Tzu-yli dreamt that the River God {Ho-shen) came and said 
(pointing to Tzu-yii's very smart cap, with cap-strings of threaded 
jade) 'give me that cap, and you shall have the elks of Meng-ch'u,' 
meaning that Ch'u would conquer this district in Honan. Tzu-yii 
ignored the demand and in consequence the army of Ch'u suffered 
a great defeat.* 

The god was at first simply the god of the Yellow River (and 
presumably of its tributaries), with a cult carried on by local 
people. But later he claimed the right to offerings of propitiation 
from all and sundry. About 490 B.c.f the King of Ch'u fell ill. 
The diviners said his illness was due to a 'possession' by the 
River and that he would not recover unless he sacrificed to the 
River. The king protested that rulers only sacrificed to rivers in 
their own territory. 'The Yangtze, the Han, the Sui and the 
ChangJ are the rivers of Ch'u. They alone can affect our fortunes. 
My conduct has not been perfect ; but against the Yellow River I 
have never committed any offence.' However, it paid to stand up 
to the god. A certain Han Ho-tzu,§ coming from the north, was 
about to cross the Yellow River when the boatman reminded him 
that everyone who crossed the River had to make an offering to 

* Tso Chuan, Duke Hsi, 28th year. 

t See Tso Chuan, Duke Ai, 6th year, and Shih Chi, 40, 21 a. 
X The Han is in Hupeh, flowing into the Yangtze at Hankow. The Sui and 
Chang are in Honan. § See Shuo Yiian, 19. 


the River God. Han Ho-tzu refused, on the ground that only the 
Emperor sacrificed to spirits wherever they might be; a stranger 
like himself had no obligation towards local deities. The boatman 
reluctantly put out from shore, but in mid-stream the boat began 
to turn round and round. The boatman said : 'There is no time to 
lose. We had better adjust our clothes and make ready to swim.' 
But Han Ho-tzu said he would rather die than pander to claims 
that were illegitimate. Whereupon the boat stopped revolving and 
safely reached the other shore. 

I have said that the River God had to be appeased by giving 
him 'wives.' We read that at Yeh, in the extreme north of Honan, 
it was the custom* c. 400 B.C. to give the god a wife every year. 
The shamans went round from house to house looking for a parti- 
cularly pretty girl. When they found her they gave her a good 
bath, dressed her in the finest silks and housed her in a special 
'house of purification' on the river bank, where she lived in 
seclusion behind red curtains. After ten days or more they pow- 
dered her face and decked her out as a bride and set her afloat on 
a thing shaped like a bridal bed. After drifting some 10 li (five or 
six miles) down stream the bridal-raft sank and disappeared. 
'People with handsome daughters,' we are told, 'fearing that the 
shaman would take them to "marry" to the River God, used to 
flee with their daughters to distant parts.' The place where the 
victims were launched was still shown in the sixth century A.D.f 
It was on the banks of the River Chang which now flows into the 
sea, but may then have been a tributary or sub -tributary of the 
Yellow River. Sometimes these sacrifices were made to appease 
the god when his waters were tampered with. J In 417 B.C. Duke 
Ling of Ch'in married a 'princess' (the god was given to under- 
stand that she was a princess, but in reality she was an ordinary 
commoner) to the god, when work was being done to deepen some 

The River God figures in one of the finest passages of early 
Chinese literature — the Autumn Flood chapter of the Taoist work 
Chuang Tzu (third century B.C. ?). In this apologue the River (the 
God's domain) is in flood. It is so wide that from one bank to the 
other one cannot distinguish a cow from a horse. In high glee the 
River God makes his way through glorious scenes of inundation 

* Shih Chi, 126. 14 a. t Shut Ching Chu, 10. 

X Shih Chi, 15. 10 b. 

The Nine Songs 49 D 

till he comes to the sea. He looks eastward and can see no shore 
at all ! In consternation he realizes that his own domain is nugatory 
compared with the limitless expanses of the great ocean. 

In the second century B.C. there were 'River shamans' who 
served the River God not at Ch'ang-an, the capital, but at Lin- 
chin, on the west bank of the Yellow River, north of its junction 
with the Wei.* 

Here is another story which shows that if stood up to manfully 
the River God is not always inexorable. About 30 B.c.f the 
governor of Tung-chun, in the S.W. corner of Hopeh, when there 
was a danger of the Yellow River breaking through an embank- 
ment, first threw a white horse into the river as a sacrifice, and 
then got a shaman to inform the god that the Governor intended, 
if the embankment was breached, to fill the gap with his own 
body. Soon, however, the embankment began to crumble. Every- 
one fled in terror except the Governor and one of his clerks who 
remained weeping by his side. Suddenly the waters began to 
recede, and the situation was saved. 

In a story supposed to date from about a.d. 320,4; a young man 
returning late at night to Hangchow meets a boy driving in a 
smart new carriage. The boy calls to him to come and get into the 
carriage, saying, 'My master wishes to see you.' The young man is 
then driven away into the darkness. Presently the road begins to 
be brilliantly lighted by long rows of torches, and they come to a 
great walled city. Above the main building there hangs a flag 
with the inscription 'Emblem of the River God.' The young man 
is taken in to see the god, who turns out to be very handsome, and 
does not look more than about thirty years old. The god tells him 
that he has a very studious and intelligent little daughter whom 
he intends the young man to marry. He does not dare to refuse, 
and a grand wedding ceremony is held, which lasts three days. 
The bride turns out to be a very attractive girl of about eighteen. 
On the fourth day the bridegroom is told that he will now be 
escorted back to the every-day world. His wife, parting with him 
tearfully, gives him a golden bowl and bag full of musk along 
with a large sum of money and three scrolls of medical recipes, 

* Shih Chi, 28. 18 a. t Han Shu, 76. 29 a. 

X Sou Shen Chi, 4. 2 a. The story is probably later than 4th century; see 
T'ai-p'ing Kuang Chi, 295. 

For the different versions of the Sou Shen Chi, see Toyoda Minoru, in Toho 
Gakuho (Tokyo), 1942. 


telling him that he is to practise as a doctor for ten years and then 
come back to claim her. He has immense success as a doctor, but 
owing to his elder brother having died he feels he cannot leave his 
mother ; and so, instead of claiming his spirit-bride, he marries a 
human wife and takes a job in the Civil Service. 

We are not told that the River God exacted any punishment 
from him for failing to turn up after ten years. The god, indeed, 
had softened as the centuries went by and had also acquired a 
wider scope. He is no longer a local deity of the Yellow River ; he 
has turned into a God of Waters in general. A ninth-century 
writer tells us how the god obtained timber for the building of his 
vast city. On the North River, he says, near Canton, there is a 
point at which timber being floated down from Hunan is invari- 
ably sucked down into the stream and lost.* 

From another storyf of about the same date we learn that dead 
men sometimes take service with the River God. A certain Wei 
P'u meets at an inn with a curious-looking individual who offers 
himself as a groom. Wei P'u is sorry for him and decides to give 
him a trial, but on their further journey strange and disquieting 
things happen. For example, an innkeeper's little son is playing 
near the gate. The groom walks up to him and prods his back 
with his fingers. The child is terrified and faints. The innkeeper 
sends at once for Miss Two, the best local shaman. To summon 
her familiar spirit, to whom she refers as 'Mr. Three,' the shaman 
plays on her pipa. Presently she stretches herself, sneezes, and 
announces that the spirit has come. She then has a conversation 
with the spirit, who tells her that the child is 'possessed' by a 
'stranger-ghost.' The god describes the ghost, and the description 
is evidently that of the mysterious groom. The Spirit, speaking 
through the shaman, recommends that the child should be washed 
with a decoction of orchid {Ian). This is duly done, and the child 
recovers. The groom then confesses that he is indeed a stranger- 
ghost (a displaced ghost, as we might say). Previously, he says, he 
was in the service of the River God, but they fell out, and now he 
is desperately searching for some fresh emplacement. Like other 
river- deities (for example the 'lord of Yang,' from whom the 
Yangtze is supposed to have taken its name) the god of the Yellow 
River is often supposed to have been a man who was drowned 

* Yu-yang Tsa Tsu, Continuation, 10. 2 a. 
t Tai-pHng Kuang Chi, 341. 


and subsequently deified. The name he bore when a human being 
is generally said to have been Feng I. 

The amount of space I have devoted to the River God may 
seem disproportionate. The disproportion is due to the fact that 
among the deities who figure in the Nine Songs he is the only one 
about whom much is known. The others quickly fade out of 
Chinese cult and legend, and what I have said about them is, I 
think, all that is known. As regards the interpretation of the Song 
itself, no tense is expressed in the opening lines. But as I interpret 
it, the Song begins after the meeting is temporarily over ; certainly 
after line 5 ('I climb Mount K'un-lun'), the shaman (presumably 
a girl) has already been deserted by the god. But it seems that at 
the end of the Song the god, before setting out for the East (now 
that the ice has melted), comes back to say good-bye to the shaman. 
Clearly other interpretations are possible. 


Song IX 



i It seems there is someone over there, in that fold of the hill, 
Clad in creepers, with a belt of mistletoe. 
He is gazing at me, his lips parted in a smile ; 
'Have you taken a fancy to me? Do I please you with my 
lovely ways?' 
5 Driving red leopards, followed by stripy civets, 
Chariot of magnolia, banners of cassia, 
Clad in stone-orchid, with belt of asarum, 
I go gathering sweet herbs to give to the one I love. 
I live in a dark bamboo grove, where I never see the sky ; 
10 The way was perilous and hard; that is why I am late for the 

High on the top of the hill I stand all alone ; 

Below me the clouds sweep past in droves. 

All is murk and gloom. CWiang! Darkness by day ! 

The east wind blows gust on gust, spreading magic* rain. 
15 Waiting for the Divine One I linger and forget to go back. 

The year is drawing to its close ; who will now beflower me ? 

I pluck the Thrice-blossomingf amid the hills, 

Among a welter of rocks and vine-creeper spreading between. 

Wronged by my Lord I am too sad to think of going back. 
20 You love me, I know it; nothing can come between us. X 

He of the hills is fragrant with the scent of galingale, 

He drinks from a spring amid the rocks, 

He shelters under cypress and pine. 

* Ling; i.e. sent by Spirits. f Unidentified. 

% 'Nothing can come between us' is only a guess. The meaning is very 
uncertain. It seems very likely that the lines in this Song have got into the 
wrong order; but I have not ventured on a rearrangement. 


You love me, I know it ; despite all doubts that rise. 
25 His chariot thunders, the air is dark with rain, 
The monkeys twitter; again they cry all night. 
The wind soughs and soughs, the trees rustle ; 
My love of my Lord has brought me only sorrow. 



Mountain spirits (called shan-kuei, shanshen or shan-chun, the 
last meaning 'Lord of the Mountain') played in ancient China a 
role parallel to that of River Spirits. In the second century B.C. a 
number of mountain spirits were worshipped. The only one 
whose territory lay in the previous domains of Ch'u was the 
T'ien-chu (Heavenly Pillar), the highest point in the Ch'ien-shan 
range in Anhwei.* The Spirit of Song IX may very well be the 
god of the Heavenly Pillar Mountain. Like river-spirits, moun- 
tain-spirits too demand human husbands and wives. When in 
A.D. 56 a certain Sung Chun was Governor of part of Anhwei he 
found that at a place near Luchow the shamans were in the habit 
of taking boys and girls and dedicating them as husbands and 
wives of two neighbouring hills, the T'ang-shan and the Hou- 
shan, the latter meaning 'Queen Hill.' The boys and girls chosen 
were compelled to remain permanently celibate. Sung Chiin put 
a stop to this by ordering that in future the spirits' husbands and 
wives were to be taken exclusively from the families of shamans. 
Whereupon the practice^ ceased. 

I take it that the person driving white leopards in line 5 is the 
shaman who, if the god is masculine, is presumably a girl. It will 
then also be the shaman who says 'I live in a dark bamboo grove.' 
Possibly the 'bamboo-grove' refers to some kind of covered 
bamboo construction (similar to the booths used by strolling 
players in later times) in which the shaman operated. 

It would not be altogether impossible to take the divinity as a 
woman and the shaman as a male. It might indeed be thought 
that the opening suggests this. But though jen (man) can some- 
times mean 'person' of either sex, the phrase shan chung jen 'man 
among the mountains' ('He of the hills' in my translation, line 21) 
would, it seems to me, be an odd way of referring to a female. 
But I may be wrong about this, and if it were possible in English 
to be non-eommittal about genders, I would have left the question 
open in my translation. 

After Song IX follows, as I have said above, the beautiful 

* Han Shu, 25. B. 2 a. f Hou Han Shu, 41. 21 a. 


Hymn to the Fallen which I have translated before {Chinese Poems, 
1946, p. 35) and will not repeat here. There is also a short finale 
in five lines, apparently intended to be sung at the end of the 
whole ceremony: 

Now to the measure of the drums we have finished our rites, 
From dancer to dancer the flower-spray has been handed, 
Lovely ladies have sung their slow measures. 
In spring, the orchid, in autumn the chrysanthemum; 
So shall it be forever, without break. 



Song I. It is interesting to compare this song with No. i of the nineteen 
Han sacrificial hymns, Han Shu, 22. 16 b. 

Song III, line 11. Po, 'to strike/ should (as Tai Chen points out in his 
CKii Yuan Fu Chu, Yin I, p. 5) be written 'bamboo' over 'water' 
plus 'white,' and means an awning made of wood-splints. 

Song IV, line 26. The meaning of mien is uncertain ; something to do 
with the floor rather than 'rafters' seems to be required by the sense. 

Song V, line 6. There is no evidence for a mountain called K'ung- 
sang in Ch'u. The 'hollow mulberry- tree' in The Great Summons, 
coming as it does in the middle of a description of music, certainly 
means 'the zithern,' as has generally been supposed. 

Song V, line 8. Compare the reply of the diviner Ling-fen in the Li 
Sao: 'The Nine Provinces are wide and great; it is not only here 
(i.e. in Ch'u) that there are girls.* I am, however, far from being cer- 
tain that my translation is right. The normal meaning of ho tsai yii 
would be 'How is it my (or 'our') business?' The early commentator 
puts these words into the mouth of the god and explains that how 
long we live depends on Heaven, who will give us long life or short 
according to our good or bad behaviour. But in that case the emphasis 
in line 7 on the vastness of China's population seems irrelevant. 
Moreover a moral idea is introduced of a kind that does not figure 
elsewhere in the Songs. 

Song V, line 17. The Han commentator says that 'sparse-hemp' 
(su-ma) means 'spirit-hemp' (shen-ma); but it is not known what 
'spirit-hemp' is. Su-ma was evidently valued for its flowers, and 
there is no reason to suppose that there is any allusion here to the 
use of hemp as a narcotic or trance-inducer. There is perhaps a pun 
on su in the plant name and su meaning 'estranged,' 'apart' and so on. 
The name ma (hemp) was applied in ancient China to many plants 
that were not connected with hemp (cannabis) in our sense. 

Song VII, line 12. Text as restored by Wang Nien-sun in Tu Shu Tsa 
Chih, Yii Pien B. 5 b. 

Song VII, lines 20 to 23. Wang I specifically says that there are some 
displacements in the text of the Songs and this passage seems to me 
to be a clear case. 

Song VIII, line 14. The expression liu-ssu (flowing thaw) is usually 
written as here with the radical 'water' (not 'ice') in the second char- 
acter. Compare Hou Han Shu, 20. 5 a, life of Wang Pa, 'an official 


came back and said: The river is "flowing and thawing" (liu-ssu); it 
cannot be crossed without boats.' 

Song IX. Both Wang I and the eighth century 'Five Officials' (com- 
mentators on the Wen Hsiian anthology) rightly take Shan-kuei (the 
title of Song IX) as a synonym for shan-shen. The idea that kuei were 
inferior spirits not at all on a par with shen is quite late. Mo Tzu 
(ch. 31) says there are three sorts of kuei, those in Heaven (like the 
former Chou kings), shen-kuei of hills and streams, and finally kuei 
who are ghosts of ordinary dead men. In the story of how the Spirit 
of Mount Hua prophesied the First Emperor's death, in the Shih Chi 
version (6. 27 b) the Spirit is called the Shan kuei; while in the Shui 
Ching Chu (19. 5) he is called 'the Lord of Mount Hua.' But like the 
English word ghost (which once meant 'spirit,' as in the expression 
Holy Ghost) so too the word kuei changed its meaning. To Chu Hsi 
in the twelfth century kuei simply meant ghost, and he consequently 
assumes that the shan-kuei of Song IX is a 'poor creature' (chien), 
not at all on a level with the deities in the other songs. 

Song IX, line 15. That ling-hsiu is a term used in speaking to or of 
deities is clear, but what -hsiu means is uncertain. Perhaps some- 
thing like 'eminent.' 

Song IX, line 17. The Thrice Blossoming is explained as being the 
chih-ts'ao, a plant frequently mentioned, but unidentified. It was 
often confused with chih 'mushroom.' 

The Finale. 

The title, Li-hun, has not been satisfactorily explained. It is conceivable 
that hun, 'soul,' is a mistake for hun, 'nightfall,' and that the rites ended 
at nightfall. In line 1 hui in the sense of 'accord' in music is well 
attested. It occurs, for example, twice in Hsi K'ang's fu about the 
zithern (Wen Hsiian, 18), as well as in 1. 14 of p. 23 above. 



The Expansion of CKu 

Ch'u was a kingdom that in the eighth century B.C. occupied the 
valleys of the middle Yangtze and Han rivers. In 689 it moved its 
capital from near Ichang to a point near Kingchow, lower down the 
Yangtze. In 684 it annexed part of south-eastern Honan and in the 
next hundred years spread continually northwards and north-east- 
wards. In 601 Ch'u annexed Shu in western Anhwei. In the sixth 
century there were setbacks, but in 479 Ch'u annexed Ch'en, in central 
eastern Honan. In 333 B.C. the annexation of Wu (southern Kiangsu) 
made Ch'u an eastern rather than a southern power. 

In 278 the Ch'in (western neighbours of Ch'u) captured the Ch'u 
capital on the Yangtze and Ch'u set up a new capital at Ch'en in terri- 
tory annexed (as I have mentioned) in 479. Subsequently the capital 
was shifted to various points farther east. In 223 B.C. Ch'u became part 
of the Ch'in empire. After the fall of this empire a descendant of the 
kings of Ch'u re-established the Ch'u kingdom (208 B.C.), making his 
capital in eastern Anhwei, and for a time became, nominally at any 
rate, Emperor of a short-lived Ch'u dynasty. Finally in 202 Ch'u 
became part of the Han empire. 

I have given this brief outline of Ch'u expansion because western 
scholars, in writing about the Ch'u elegies, have sometimes given the 
impression that Ch'u was exclusively a southern power. 



Aoki Masaru's Interpretation of the Nine Songs 

The most important modern study of the Songs is, I think, the 
Japanese scholar Aoki's Soji Kyuka no Bukyokuteki Kekkb (The 
Dramatic Construction of the Nine Songs).* He discusses in detail 
only Songs V, VI and VII (The Big Lord of Lives, the Little Lord of 
Lives and the Lord of the East). In these three songs (though not in 
any of the others) he supposes dialogue between two shamans, one of 
whom plays the ordinary role of bringing down the deity, while the 
other acts the part of the deity who descends. He does not support this 
hypothesis by any ethnological or other parallels; but it certainly fits 
in quite well with the wording of these songs. On the other hand his 
view that the Little Lord of Lives was in fact a Little Lady of Lives 
and attended to the destinies of women in the same way as the Big 
Lord of Lives attended to those of men seems to me entirely fanciful, 
and was perhaps not intended to be more than a tentative suggestion. 

I have also taken into consideration the principal modern Chinese 
studies of the Nine Songs, such as those of Wen I-to, Chiang Liang-fu, 
Ho T'ien-hsing, Wen Huai-sha, Kuo Mo-jo and Yu Kuo-en. 

* Shinagaku VII (1934). Reprinted in his very interesting volume of essays 
Shina Bungaku Geijitsu Kb. 



The Commentaries 

The earliest commentary on the Nine Songs and the other early 
literature of Ch'u (that of Wang I, c. a.d. 120) is chiefly concerned with 
the supposed secondary, allegorical meaning. But its author was a man 
of Ch'u and when he attributes to words an unusual sense he may 
perhaps be explaining Ch'u dialect words with which he was familiar 
in his home. His working out of the supposed allegory, as in the instance 
given above on p. 35, appears sometimes to be very strained and 
arbitrary. We do not, however, know whether what we possess is the 
whole of his commentary as he originally wrote it, or merely an abridg- 

The next surviving commentary dates from over a thousand years 
later. It was by Hung Hsing-tsu (1090-1155), a prolific author and 
tireless reader who was 'never seen without a book in his hand.' He 
wrote about the Book of Changes, the Book of History, the Analects of 
Confucius, the chronology of the great prose-writer Han Yii (768-824) 
and the poems of Tu Fu (713-770). But only his commentary on the 
collection of Ch'u poetry survives. It was intended as a supplement to 
the early commentary and not as a new exposition. But it supplies a 
great deal of information, particularly about the plants, animals, etc., 
mentioned in Ch'u literature, and also modifies many of Wang I's 
wilder absurdities. 

About fifty years later the famous philosopher Chu Hsi (1 130-1200) 
made a new commentary. It was completed the year before he died, 
and was almost his last work. His aim, in dealing with the Nine Songs, 
was to keep the literal meaning and the supposed allegorical meaning 
separate, which previous commentators had not tried to do. But in 
explaining the literal meaning he always had the allegory at the back of 
his mind and where different interpretations are possible he is tied 
down to choosing one that fits in with his conception of the moral and 
political allegory. Large parts of his commentary are taken straight 
from Hung Hsing-tsu without any indication of where they come from. 
In his preface he merely mentions Hung Hsing-tsu along with Wang I 
as having been minute in linguistic annotation, but unable to grasp the 
underlying 'great idea,' which in Chu Hsi's parlance means that they 
had failed to interpret the poems in terms of Chu Hsi philosophy. 



Abode of Life, 15, 27 
Allegorical interpretation, 16, 61 
Aoki, M., 60 

Broom-star, 42 

Central Asia, 11, 13 

Chang Heng, 18, 40 

Chang river, 48, 49 

Changes, Book of, 61 

CKao-hsien Shih Luo, 46 

Chi, land of, 27 

Chiang Liang-fu, 60 

Ch'ien-shan, 55 

Chin Shu, 18 

Chosen Koshi no Kenkyu, 46 

Chu Hsi, 24, 58, 61 

Chuang Tzu, 49 

Ch'ii Yuan Fu Chu, 57 

Comet, 42 

Conrady, A., 19 

Dancing Goddess, 31 
Davis, A. R., 5 
Devadasi, 14 
Dragons, 29, 33 

Eliade, M., 18 
Erkes, E., 43 

Fakirism, 11 

Feng I, 52 

Feng Su Tung, 39 

Flowers and Flower-lore, 17 

Friend, Hilderic, 17 

Fu-sang, 45, 46 

Gathas, 16, 19 
Gershevitch, I., 19 

Han Chi, 18 

Han Ho-tzu, 48, 49 

Han Shu, 18, 24, 28, 39, 46, 50, 55, 

HanYu, 61 
Hawkes, David, 5 
Hito-tokijoro, 14 
Ho T'ien-hsing, 60 
Hou Han Shu, 18, 31, 40, 46, 55, 

Hsi K'ang, 58 
Hsi Tz'u, 40 
Hsia T'ung, 1 1 
Hsiang river, 29 
Huang Pa, 12, 18 
Hung Hsing-tsu, 61 

Imanishi, R., 46 

Japan, 14 

Kano, N., 18 

Kao Feng, 12 

Korea, 46 

Krishna, 14 

Kuan Tzu, 18 

K'un-lun, 15, 47, 52 

K'ung-sang, 37, 57 

Kuo Mo-jo, 40 

Kyuka no Bukyokuteki Kekko, 60 

Li Chi, 30, 40 

Li river, 30, 33, 34 

Li Sao, 19, 57 

Liang Chou Chin Win Tzu, 40 

Lin-chin, 50 

Ling, duke, 49 

Ling-fen, 57 

Lun Heng, 19 

'Maladie initiatique,' 9 
'Mantic honeymoon,' 14, 15 
Manchuria, 13 
Maspero, H., 46 


Nakayama, T., 19 
Nihon Fujo Shi, 19 
Nine Doubts, mountain, 34 
No plays, 14 

Oracle bones, 18 

Persians, 11 
Pfizmaier, A., 16, 19 
Po Chii-i, 12 
Po-sha-shen, 31 
'Possession,' 9, 24, 48, 51 

Ryojin Hissho, 14 

Schindler, B., 19 

Shaman, 9, 10 seq., and passim 

Shan Hai Ching, 31 

Shen-sheng, 10 

Shih Chi, 31, 39, 49, 50 

Shih Huang Ti (First Emperor), 31 

Shina Bungaku Geijitsu Ko, 60 

Shui Ching Chu, 49 

Shun, 31 

Shuo Yuan, 48 

Siberia, 9, 13 

Sogdians, 11 

Song of Songs, 16 

Sou Shin Chi, 50 

Stein MSS., 18 

Sui, 11 

Sui river, 48 

Sung Chun, 55 

Tai Chen, 57 

T'ai-p'ing Kuang Chi, 50, 5 1 

Thomas, Acts of, 36 

T'ien-chu, 55 

Toyoda, Minoru, 50 

Ts'ao Yii, 31 

Ts'en-yang, 29 

Tso Chuan, 18, 48 

Tu Fu, 16, 61 

Tu Shu Tsa Chih, 57 

Tung-ming, 46 

Tung-t'ing, 29, 33 

Tunguz, 9, 18, 24 

Tzu-yu, 48 

Wang I, 24, 58, 61 
Wang Nien-sun, 57 
Wang Pa, 57 
WeiP'u, 51 
Wen-hsiian, 58 
Wen Huai-sha, 60 
Wen I -to, 60 
Wu, 9, 18 
Wu Hsien, 10 

Yao, 31 

Yin and Yang, 37 , 40 

Yu Kuo-en, 60 

Yu-yang Tsa Tsu, 51 
Yu Chi, 13 
Yii Pan, 12, 18 
Yuan river, 29, 33 

Yiian Shih, 18 

Zoroaster, 16 


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